A Tecnologia Oculta do Poder

Autor: 

The Occult Technology of Power
Arcane Secrets of Political Power

by Anonymous

The Occult Technology of Power, subtitled the "Arcane Secrets of Political Power," is an anonymous booklet describing the nature of power, the nature of rule, and the nature of oligarchy. The information is presented as a transcript of a dialog between a powerful father and his son - the heir to his realm. In handing the reins of power to his son, the father explains the mechanics of world control.

A Tecnologia Ocultista do Poder, subtitulado os "Arcanos do Poder Político", é uma brochura anônima descrevendo a natureza do poder, a natureza da regra, e a natureza da oligarquia. A informação é apresentada como uma transcrição de um diálogo entre um pai poderoso e seu filho - o herdeiro do seu reino. Ao entregar as rédeas do poder ao seu filho, o pai explica os mecanismos de controle do mundo.

The most secret knowledge, a science which outdates history, is the science of control over people, governments and civilizations. The foundation of this ultimate discipline is the control of wealth. Through the control of wealth comes the control of public information and the necessities of life. Through the control of news media comes thought control. Through the control of basic necessities comes direct physical control of people. - Anonymous Transcriber

O conhecimento mais secreto, uma ciência que obsoleta a história, é a ciência do controle sobre as pessoas, governos e civilizações. A fundação dessa disciplina final é o controle da riqueza. Através do controle da riqueza, vem o controle da informação pública e as necessidades da vida. Através do controle da mídia, vem o controle do pensamento. Através do controle das necessidades básicas, vem o controle físico direto das pessoas. - Transcritor Anônimo

My son,

Meu filho,

In this thin volume you will find the transcripts of your initiation into the secrets of my empire. Read them again, not for the arcane knowledge which is now second nature to you, but in order to re-experience the shock and awe you felt twenty years ago when at age thirty the fabulous scope of my power was revealed to you by my trusted, and now, mostly departed advisors. Remember the surprise to the point of disbelief, with which you beheld the invisibly delicate, but invincible chains of deceit, confusion, and coercion with which we finance capitalists enslave this chaotic world, Remember the feats of will and strategy that have been required to retain our position. Then, inspect your retinue carefully. Your heir must be equal to and eager for the task, much as you were. Choose him carefully. As I lie here waiting for the end, I can afford to relish the thought of our empire lasting forever as I never dared while in charge. Rational power calculations, so easily disrupted by the thrills of power, are now entirely in your hands.

Neste fino volume você vai encontrar as transcrições de sua iniciação nos segredos do meu império. Leia-los novamente, não para o conhecimento arcano que agora é uma segunda natureza para você, mas para voltar a sentir o choque e pavor que sentiu vinte anos atrás, quando aos trinta anos o alcance fabuloso do meu poder lhe foi revelado por aqueles de minha confiança e, agora, a maioria dos concelheiros faleceram. Lembre-se da surpresa, a ponto de incredulidade, com a qual você viu as invisíveis e delicadas, mas incríveis correntes do engano, confusão e coação com o qual nós financiamos os capitalistas, escravizando este mundo caótico. Lembre-se das proezas da vontade e da estratégia que tem sido obrigado a manter a nossa posição. Em seguida, verifique atentamente o seu séquito. Seu herdeiro deve ser igual e ansioso para a tarefa, tanto quanto você era. Escolha-o cuidadosamente. Enquanto eu estou deitado aqui esperando pelo fim, eu posso dar ao luxo de saborear o pensamento do nosso império durar para sempre, como nunca me atrevi enquanto dirigi. Os poderes da avaliação racional, tão facilmente perturbados pelas emoções de poder, estão agora inteiramente em suas mãos.
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INTRODUCTION TO YOUR INITIATION

INTRODUÇÃO A SUA INICIAÇÃO

My son, the time has arrived to make formal what you have confidently awaited for some years. Of all your brothers, sisters, and cousins, as well as the offspring of my close allies, I have chosen you to be heir to my empire. All the trust funds, foundations, and accounts through which my empire is controlled shall pass into your hands upon my retirement. All my alliances, understandings, and enmities with my handful of peers around the globe shall gradually become yours. Over the next twenty years we shall collaborate closer and closer, you and I, until, we finally act as one.

Meu filho, chegou a hora de tornar formal o que você tem confiantemente aguardado há alguns anos. De todos os seus irmãos, irmãs e primos, bem como os filhos dos meus aliados, eu escolhi você para ser herdeiro do meu império. Todos os fundos fiduciários, fundações e contas por meio do qual meu império é controlado deve passar em suas mãos sobre minha aposentadoria. Todas as minhas alianças, entendimentos e inimizades com o meu punhado de colegas ao redor do mundo devem tornar-se progressivamente os seus. Durante os próximos vinte anos, vamos colaborar cada vez mais perto, você e eu, até que, finalmente agir como um.

For ten years you have toured my empire in a succession of managerial assignments and are now familiar with the outward operations of my crucial banking, foundation, governmental, and think-tank organizations. Until now, my advisors and I have deflected your questions as to how and if my diverse operations and holdings, which seem autonomous and even contradictory, are integrated into an organic whole to serve the dynasty's interests. The fact that you asked these questions, rejecting my carefully nurtured public image as an idle, coupon-clipping philanthropist, was a major factor in the high esteem in which I hold you. Most of your competitors found puppet leadership in any one of my organizations so awesome and gratifying that they immediately eliminated themselves from the contest for the top position which you have won. Such men of limited vision are necessary for my success. They bend unconsciously to the subtle pressures to which I expose them. They can be led in any direction I choose by simpleminded rationalizations aimed at their vanity without being privy to my motives which would be short- lived secrets in their undisciplined and envious minds.

Há dez anos você percorreu meu império em uma sucessão de tarefas gerenciais e agora está agora familiarizado com as operações exteriores das minhas organizações bancárias, fundações, governamentais e grupo de pensadores cruciais. Até agora, os meus conselheiros e eu temos desviado suas perguntas sobre como e se as minhas diversas operações e participações, que parecem autônomas e mesmo contraditórias, são integradas em um todo orgânico para servir os interesses da dinastia. O fato de que você perguntou essas questões, rejeitando a minha imagem pública cuidadosamente cultivada como um ocioso, um filantropo "furador de talões", foi um fator importante na alta estima que tenho de você. A maioria de seus concorrentes acharam a liderança-fantoche em qualquer uma das minhas organizações tão maravilhoso e gratificante, que imediatamente eliminaram-se do concurso para a primeira posição que você ganhou. Esses homens de visão limitada são necessários para o meu sucesso. Eles curvam-se inconscientemente às pressões sutis para quais eu os exponho. Eles podem ser levados em qualquer direção que eu escolha, por raciocínios simplistas que visam a sua vaidade sem estar a par de meus motivos, que seriam segredos de vida-curta em suas mentes indisciplinadas e invejosas.

Most important in your selection as my successor, however, was your psychological nature which has been faithfully reported to me over the years by my associates many of whom have advanced psychological training. A man in my position must have total mastery over his emotions. All actions affecting the power of the dynasty must be taken on the basis of coldly reasoned power calculations if the dynasty is to survive and prosper at the expense of its subjects and rivals. All power is impossible to those whose pursuit is ruled by sentimentality, love, envy, power-lust, revenge, prejudice, hatred, justice, alcohol, drugs, or sexual desire. Sustained power is impossible to those who repress all their irrational longings into their subconscious only to have them return in compulsive, out-of-control behavior that inevitably leads to their ruin. Although often clothed in the rationalizations of power calculation, compulsive behavior is, at root, the emotionalism of a frightened child, desperately projecting his inner agony into a reality he is afraid to understand, much less master. Although you now must begin to pursue it consciously, you have already displayed the alienation from your emotional nature that is so essential to achieving real worldly power. You must recognize your emotional nature as a primitive survival mechanism that was appropriate for the jungle and perhaps useful to common men, but useless for the tasks that confront us finance capitalists. Attachment to what you do, just because you do it, is the primary psychological characteristic of ordinary mortals. Such cognitive dissonance spells disaster for us. Our emotional mechanism makes our lives worth living, but is no guide to the occult arts of intrigue. So, continue to gratify your senses and emotions fully at your leisure. As long as the empire prospers you will have the resources to indulge in systematic gratification which will leave your irrational urges sated and, therefore powerless. You will never be in the unenviable position of the middle class strivers who must, from lack of resources, repress their emotional natures if they are to attain any power whatever during their lives. Typically, they end up taking their pleasure from the victories and cruelties of their struggle. Thus, their end ceases to be power and they eventually defeat themselves with reckless behavior in pursuit of dominant thrills.

O mais importante na sua seleção como meu sucessor, no entanto, foi a sua natureza psicológica que tem sido fiel a mim, relatado ao longo dos anos pelos meus companheiros, muitos dos quais têm avançados treinamentos psicológicos. Um homem na minha posição tem de ter toral domínio sobre suas emoções. Todas as ações que afetam o poder da dinastia devem ser tomadas como base nos cálculos do poder friamente, se a dinastia é para sobreviver e prosperar em detrimento de seus súditos e rivais. Todo o poder é impossível para aqueles cujo exercício é governado pelo sentimentalismo, amor, inveja, luxúria, poder, vingança, preconceito, ódio, justiça, álcool, drogas ou o desejo sexual. Poder sustentável é impossível para aqueles que reprimem todos os seus desejos irracionais em seu subconsciente apenas para tê-los no regresso compulsivo, fora do controle do comportamento, que inevitavelmente leva à sua ruína. Embora muitas vezes vestidos com as racionalizações de cálculo de poder, o comportamento compulsivo é, na raiz, o sentimentalismo de uma criança assustada, desesperadamente projetando sua agonia interior em uma realidade que ele tem medo de entender, muito menos de controlar. Embora você já deva começar a perseguí-la conscientemente, você já revelou a alienação da sua natureza emocional, natureza esta que é tão essencial para alcançar o poder mundano real. Você deve reconhecer a sua natureza emocional como um mecanismo de sobrevivência primitiva que era apropriado para a selva e, talvez, útil ao homem comum, mas inútil para as tarefas das finanças capitalistas que nos confrontam. Apego ao que você faz, só porque você faz isso, é a principal característica psicológica dos mortais comuns. Essa dissonância cognitiva leva ao desastre para nós. Nosso mecanismo emocional faz a nossa vida valer a pena viver, mas não é guia para as artes ocultas da intriga. Assim, continue a satisfazer os seus sentidos e emoções totalmente em seu lazer. Enquanto o império prospera, você terá os recursos necessários para entregar-se na gratificação sistemática que vai deixar o seu irracional saciado e, portanto, impotente. Você nunca vai estar na posição nada invejável de classe média, dos indivíduos esperançosos que devem, por falta de recursos, reprimir a sua natureza emocional se quiserem atingir um poder qualquer durante as suas vidas. Normalmente, eles acabam tendo o prazer das vitórias e crueldades da sua luta. Assim, o seu fim deixa de ser poder e, eventualmente, a derrota de si mesmo com comportamentos imprudentes na busca de emoções dominantes.

I have brought you into seclusion with my most trusted advisors in order to inaugurate a new phase of your instruction. Your formal training in the "official" political-economic world is now complete. This weekend will mark the beginning of your training in the occult technology of power that lurks behind outer appearances. As your tutors will explain, "occult" or secret knowledge is the basis of all power in human society, so I use the word "occult" advisedly, in its pristine usage. As I am sure you are aware by now, productivity in itself does not secure power and therefore does not secure the gratifications of life. After all, slaves can be productive. None of my organizations in which you served so well are concerned with advancing the techniques of satisfying human needs and desires. Rather, all are dedicated to the surreptitious centralization of productive, but especially coercive, efforts in my hands or in creating the intellectual climate in which such veiled control would be tolerated in the future. I destroy or paralyze productive efforts that cannot be ensnared in my web.

Eu lhe trouxe em reclusão com meus assessores mais confiáveis, a fim de inaugurar uma nova fase de sua instrução. Sua formação no mundo político-econômico "oficial" já está concluído. Este fim de semana marcará o início de sua formação no domínio da tecnologia de poder oculto que se esconde por trás das aparências exteriores. Tal como o seu tutor irá explicar, "oculto" ou conhecimento secreto é a base de todo o poder na sociedade humana, assimm eu uso a palavra "oculto" com cautela, em seu uso original primitivo. Como estou certo de que você está ciente agora, produtividade em si não assegura poder e, portanto, não garante os prazeres da vida. Afinal, escravos podem ser produtivos. Nenhuma das minhas organizações das quais você serviu tão bem estão preocupadas com o avanço das técnicas de satisfazer as necessidades e desejos humanos. Pelo contrário, todas são dedicadas à centralização sub-reptícia do produtivo, mas sobretudo do coercitivo, que empenham-se em minhas mãos ou na criação do clima intelectual em que o controle velado seria tolerado no futuro. Eu destruo ou paraliso os esforços produtivos que não podem ser enredados na minha rede.

After a break Professor A. will take the floor in order to put finance capitalism into full biological perspective. His short talk will be followed by similar abbreviated summaries by his six associates, all of whom you know well. The rest of the weekend will be devoted to forthright fielding of your questions.

Após uma pausa, Professor A. tomará a palavra para colocar o capitalismo financeiro em uma perspectiva biológica completa. Sua pequena palestra será seguida por similares resumos abreviados por seus seis sócios, todos sobre quem você conhece bem. O resto do fim de semana será dedicado à botar em campo diretamente suas perguntas.

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PROFESSOR A. ON THE ROLE OF FRAUD IN NATURE

PROFESSOR A. SOBRE O PAPEL DA FRAUDE NA NATUREZA

Organisms typically base their success primarily on deception and rely on actual force or mutually advantageous trade (symbiosis) as little as possible. This should be nearly self-evident, but is generally overlooked due to the moral codes we elitists foist on our subjects.

Organismos tipicamente baseiam seus sucessos principalmente na decepção, e confiar na força real ou comércio mutuamente vantajoso (simbiose) o mínimo possível. Isso deve ser quase auto-evidente, mas geralmente é negligenciado devido aos códigos morais que nós elitistas impingimos em nossos assuntos.

Let me give a few examples in case the moral culture has to some extent impaired your powers of objective observation. Camouflage is universal among predators and victims alike. Blossoms imitate fragrances and colors which are sexually attractive to certain insects in order to effect pollination. Dogs bark ferociously and feign attack on enemies of whom they are, in fact, terrified. The Venus Fly Trap plant lures flies to their deaths. Men proclaim their altruism to others and even themselves while they selfishly scramble for personal advantage. If you doubt that fraud is normal in nature you should read Section 3 of Chapter 1 of Robert Ardrey's "The Social Contract" for a wealth of fascinating examples. (Of course Ardrey fails to grasp the full application to contemporary human society of his brilliant insights into man's animal nature.) Human mental prowess and communicative powers have merely provided superb elaboration on nature's old theme of fraud, and added its own distinctive feature: self-delusion. Primitive animal hierarchies are based on bluff and bluster, and each member is well aware of and accepts, at least temporarily, its position in the hierarchy. The same wild enthusiasm and fascination for dominance and submission rages in human hearts. However, fraud is taken one step further. Not only is fraudulent bluff and bluster used to achieve dominance but fraudulent altruism and collective institutions are used to conceal dominance once achieved.

Deixe-me dar alguns exemplos, no caso da cultura moral ter de certa forma enfraquecido o seu poder de observação objetiva. Camuflagem é universal entre os predadores e as vítmas também. Flores imitam aromas e cores que são sexualmente atraentes para certos insetos para efeito de polinização. Os cães ladram ferozmente e dissimulam ataques sobre os inimigos a quem eles são, na verdade, aterrorizados. A planta Dionéia atrai as moscas para a morte. Homens proclamam seu altruísmo aos outros e até a si mesmo enquanto eles egoisticamente disputam por vantagens pessoais. Se você duvida de que a fraude é normal na natureza, você deve ler a seção 3 do capítulo 1 de "O Contrato Social", de Robert Ardrey, para uma riqueza de exemplos fascinantes. (Claro, Ardrey não consegue alcançar a plena aplicação à sociedade humana contemporânea de suas idéias brilhantes na natureza animal do homem.) A aptidão mental humana e os poderes comunicativos têm apenas fornecido soberbas elaborações sobre o velho tema da natureza da fraude, e acrescentou a sua própria característica distintiva: a auto-ilusão. Hierarquias animais primitivas são baseadas em blefe e arrogância, e cada membro está bem ciente e aceita, pelo menos temporariamente, a sua posição na hierarquia. O mesmo entusiasmo selvagem e fascínio pela dominação e submissão grassa nos corações humanos. No entanto, a fraude é levada um passo adiante. Não é apenas blefe fraudulento e fanfarronada utilizados para alcançar uma posição dominante, mas o altruísmo fraudulento e instituições coletivas são utilizados para esconder o domínio uma vez obtido.

Human hierarchies, in contrast to the animal variety, are best sustained when the members are deluded regarding the oppressive nature, or better, even the very existence of the hierarchy! Visible rulers are highly vulnerable. Thus we see visible rulers claiming to be representatives of God, the common good, the material forces of history, the general will (either through vote or intuition), tradition, or other intellectual "spooks" that serve to lessen the envy of the ruled for the rulers. Encouraging such self-delusions among the masses of the ruled is universal for visible governments. However, such spooks are little protection for the leaders of such systems against their sophisticated elite rivals and no protection against men like your father. The Roman Empire was unquestioned by the mass of its subjects for centuries, but the Emperors lived in constant fear of coup and assassination. By embracing deception wholeheartedly at every level, finance capitalism, or rule through money, has fashioned the ultimate system yet devised for the secure exercise of power. Men like your father, the hidden masters of finance capitalism, govern those who govern, produce, and think through invisible financial tentacles, the operations of which will be elucidated later by my colleagues. Dominance in all aspects of society is surreptitiously accomplished while the great majority of the ruled, and even most of the visible leaders, believe themselves to be fairly autonomous, if harried, members of a pluralistic society. Nearly everyone believes major decisions to be the vector sum of autonomous pressures exerted by business, labor, government, consumers, social classes, and other special interests. In fact, the vectors of societal power are carefully balanced by us so that any net movement is in a direction chosen by us. The only fly in the ointment is the occasional, but extremely messy, interferences by competing financial dynasties. This disconcerting problem will not be a major topic for this weekend.

Hierarquias humanas, em contraste com a variedade de animais, são melhores sustentadas quando os membros estão iludidos em relação à natureza opressiva, ou melhor, até mesmo a própria existência da hierarquia! Governantes visíveis são altamente vulneráveis. Assim, nós vemos governantes visíveis afirmando serem representantes de Deus, o bem comum, as forças materiais da história, a vontade geral (quer através de votação ou da intuição), a tradição, ou outros "fantasmas" intelectuais que servem para diminuir a inveja do governado para os governantes. Encorajar tais auto-enganos entre as massas dos governados é universal para os governos visíveis. No entanto, tais fantasmas são pouca proteção para os líderes de tais sistemas contra seus sofisticados rivais de elite e nenhuma proteção contra homens como seu pai. O Império Romano não era questionado pela massa de seus súditos por séculos, mas os imperadores viviam em constante medo de golpe e assassinato. Ao adotar o engano sinceramente a todos os níveis, capital financeiro, ou governar através do dinheiro, formou o sistema final ainda elaborado para garantir o exercício do poder. Homens como o seu pai, os mestres ocultos do capitalismo financeiro, governam aqueles que governam, produzem, e pensam através de invisíveis tentáculos financeiros, as operações de que será elucidado mais tarde por meus colegas. Domínio em todos os aspectos da sociedade é feito clandestinamente, enquanto a grande maioria dos governados, e mesmo a maioria dos líderes visíveis, acredita-se ser bastante autônomo, se perturbados, membros de uma sociedade pluralista. Quase todos acreditam que as principais decisões a serem o vetor, soma das pressões exercidas pelas empresas autônomas, trabalho, governo, consumidores, classes sociais, e de outros interesses especiais. Na verdade, os vetores do poder social são cuidadosamente equilibrados por nós, para que qualquer movimento líquido esteja em uma direção escolhida por nós. A única circustância que estraga prazeres é a ocasional, mas extremamente confusa, interferência pelas competições das dinastias financeiras. Este problema desconcertante não será um tema principal para este fim de semana.

I now yield to Professor Q. who will elucidate the central secrets of your father's immense money power.

Eu agora cedo ao Professor Q. que irá elucidar os segredos centrais do imenso poder monetário de seu pai.

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PROFESSOR Q. ON OCCULT KNOWLEDGE AS THE KEY TO POWER

PROFESSOR Q. SOBRE CONHECIMENTO OCULTO COMO A CHAVE PARA O PODER

Throughout history, secure ruling elites arise through secret, or occult, knowledge which they carefully guard and withhold from outsiders. The power of such elites or cults diminishes as their occult knowledge is transformed into "scientific" knowledge and vanishes as soon as it becomes "common sense." Before analyzing the secrets of the finance capitalist money cult, let us glance for historical perspective at occult astronomy, the oldest source of stable rule known to man of which astrology is but the pathetic remnant.

Ao longo da história, segurar as elites dominantes através do conhecimento secreto, ou oculto, cuidadosamente guarda-os e os retém das pessoas de fora. O poder de tais elites, ou cultos, diminui à medida que seu conhecimento oculto é transformado em conhecimento "científico" e desaparece tão logo quando se torna o "senso comum". Antes de analisar os segredos do culto do dinheiro capitalista financeiro, vamos olhar para a perspectiva histórica da astronomia ocultista, a mais antiga fonte de regra estável conhecida para o homem, da qual a astrologia é o remanescente patético.

As soon as men abandoned the life of wandering, tribal hunters to till the soil they needed to predict the seasons. Such knowledge was required in order to know when to plant, when to expect floods in fertile valleys, when to expect rainy seasons, and so on. Months of backbreaking work were wasted by the unavailability of the calendar, a convenience we take for granted. The men who first studied and grasped the regularities of sun, moon, and stars that presage the seasons had a valuable commodity to sell and they milked it to the fullest at the expense of their credulous fellowmen. The occult priesthood of early astronomers and mathematicians such as the designers of Stonehenge, convinced their subjects that they alone had contact with the gods, and thus, they alone could assure the return of planting seasons and weather favorable to bountiful harvests. The staging (predicting) of solar and lunar eclipses was particularly effective in awing the community. The general success resulting from following the priesthood's tilling, planting, nurturing, and harvesting time tables insured the priesthood's power.

Tão logo os homens abandonaram a vida errante, caçadores tribais para lavrar a terra de que necessitavam para prever as estações. Tal conhecimento era necessário para saber quando plantar, quando esperar inundações nos vales férteis, quando esperar a estação das chuvas, e assim por diante. Meses de trabalho árduo foram desperdiçados por falta de disponibilidade do calendário, uma conveniência que nós tomamos para concedido. Os homens que primeiro estudaram e compreenderam as regularidades do sol, a lua e as estrelas que pressagiam as estações do ano tiveram uma valiosa mercadoria para vender, e eles ordenhavam-a ao máximo em detrimento dos seus semelhantes crédulos. O sacerdócio oculto de astrônomos e matemáticos, tais como os criadores do Stonehenge, convenceram seus súditos de que eles estabeleceram contato com os deuses, e assim, somente eles podem garantir o retorno de épocas de plantio e condições meteorológicas favoráveis à colheita abundante. O estadiamento (previsão) dos eclipses solares e lunares foram particularmente eficazes em intimidar a comunidade. O sucesso geral resultante das tabelas de tempo do cultivo, plantio, cuidados e colheita, asseguravam o poder do sacerdócio.

Today's Christmas-holiday season continues the tradition set by ancient priesthood, who conducted rituals on the winter solstice to reverse the retreat of the sun from the sky. Their invariable success was followed by wild celebrations. Popular knowledge of seasonal regularities was discouraged by every manner of mysticism and outlandish ritual imaginable. Failures in prediction were blamed on sins of the peoples and used to justify intensified oppression. For centuries, people who had literally no idea of the number of days between seasons and couldn't count anyway cheerfully gave up a portion of their harvests, as well as their most beautiful daughters, to their "faithful servants" in the priesthood. The power of our finance capitalist money cult rests on a similar secret knowledge, primarily in the field of economics. Our power is weakened by real advances in economic science. (Fortunately, the public at large and most revolutionaries remain totally ignorant of economics.) However, we established money lords have been able to prolong and even reverse our decline by systematically corrupting economic science with fallacious and spurious doctrines. Through our power in the universities, publishing, and mass media we have been able to reward the sincere, professorial cranks whose spurious doctrines happen to rationalize in terms of "common good" the government supported institutions, laws, and economic measures upon which our money powers depend. Keynesianism is the highest form of phony economics yet developed to our benefit. The highly centralized, mixed economy resulting from the policies advocated by Lord Keynes for promoting "prosperity" has all the characteristics required to make our rule invulnerable to our twin nemeses: real private competition in the economic arena and real democratic process in the political arena. Laissez faire or free-market, classical economics was our original attempt to corrupt economic science. Its beautiful internal consistency blinded economists for many years to the fact that it had virtually nothing to do with current reality. However, we are so powerful today that it is no longer possible to conceal our imposing institutions with the appearances of free competition.

O Natal de hoje, época de férias, continua a tradição dos antigos sacerdotes, que conduziram os rituais do solstício de inverno para reverter o recuo do sol no céu. Seu sucesso invariável foi seguido por celebrações selvagens. O conhecimento popular das regularidades sazonais foram desencorajados por todo tipo de misticismo e rituais estranhos imagináveis. Falhas na previsão foram atribuidas aos pecados dos povos e utilizadas para justificar a repressão intensificada. Durante séculos, pessoas que, literalmente, não tinham nenhuma idéia do número de dias entre as estações e não podiam contar, ainda assim, alegremente davam uma parte de suas colheitas, bem como as suas filhas mais bonitas, aos seus "servos fiéis" no sacerdócio. O poder do nosso culto do dinheiro capitalista financeiro repousa sobre um conhecimento secreto semelhante, principalmente no campo da economia. Nosso poder é enfraquecido pelos avanços reais na ciência econômica. (Felizmente, o público em geral e a maioria dos revolucionários permanecem totalmente ignorantes em economia.) No entanto, nós estabelecemos os senhores do dinheiro, que foram capazes de prolongar e até mesmo reverter nosso declínio corrompendo sistematicamente a ciência econômica com doutrinas falaciosas e falsas. Através do nosso poder nas universidades, editoras, e media das massas, temos sido capazes de recompensar os sinceros, manivelas professoriais cujas doutrinas espúrias por um acaso racionalizaram-se em termos de "bem comum", o governo apoiou instituições, leis e medidas econômicas sobre as quais os nossos poderes monetários dependem. Keynesianismo[1] é a maior forma de falsa economia ainda desenvolvida em nosso benefício. A economia altamente centralizada, misto resultante das políticas preconizadas por Lord Keynes para promover a "prosperidade", tem todas as características necessárias para tornar a nossa regra invulnerável aos nossos nemeses duplos: concorrência privada real na área econômica e no processo democrático real na arena política. Laissez faire[2], ou, livre-mercado, economia clássica foi a nossa tentativa inicial para corromper ciência econômica. Sua bela consistência interna cegou os economistas por muitos anos para o fato de que não tinha praticamente nada a ver com a realidade atual. No entanto, estamos tão poderosos que hoje já não é possível esconder as nossas instituições imponentes, com as aparências de livre concorrência.

Keynesianism rationalizes this omnipotent state which we require, while retaining the privileges of private property on which our power ultimately rests. Although the interim reforms advocated by Marx in his Communist Manifesto such as central banking, income tax, and other centralizing measures can be corrupted to coincide exactly with our requirements, we no longer allow Marxist movements major power in developed countries. Our coercive institutions are already in place. Any real steps toward communism would mean our downfall. Of course, phony Marxism is an excellent ideological veil in which to cloak our puppet dictators in underdeveloped areas. Secondarily, the power of the lords of money rests on an occult knowledge in the area of politics and history. We have quite successfully corrupted these sciences. Although many people are familiar with our secrets through such books as "1984" by the disillusioned George Orwell, few take them seriously and usually dismiss such ideas as paranoia. Since real politics is motivated by individual self-interest, history is viewed most accurately as a struggle for power and wealth. We do our best to obscure this self-evident truth by popularizing the theory that history is made by the impersonal struggles between ideas, political systems, ideologies, races, and classes. Through systematic infiltration of all major intellectual, political, and ideological organizations, using the lure of financial support and instant publicity, we have been able to set the limits of public debate within the ideological requirements of our money power. The so-called Left-Right political spectrum is our creation. In fact, it accurately reflects our careful, artificial polarization of the population on phony issues that prevents the issue of our power from arising in their minds. The Left supports civil liberties and opposes economic or entrepreneurial liberty. The Right supports economic liberty and opposes civil liberty. Of course, neither can exist fully (which is our goal) without the other. We control the Right-Left conflict such that both forms of liberty are suppressed to the degree we require. Our own liberty rests not on legal or moral "rights," but on our control of the government bureaucracy and courts which apply the complex, subjective regulations we dupe the public into supporting for our benefit.

Keynesianismo racionaliza este estado onipotente que necessitamos, embora mantendo os privilégios da propriedade privada em que o nosso poder finalmente descansa. Embora as reformas intercalares preconizadas por Marx em seu Manifesto Comunista, como bancos centrais, impostos de renda, e outras medidas de centralização, podem ser corrompidas de forma a coincidir exatamente com as nossas necessidades, nós não mais permitimos movimentos marxistas de grande potência nos países desenvolvidos. Nossas instituições coercitivas já estão no lugar. Quaisquer medidas reais para o comunismo significaria nossa queda. Claro, o marxismo é um falso véu ideológico excelente em que encobre nossos ditadores-fantoches em áreas subdesenvolvidas. Secundariamente, o poder dos senhores do dinheiro repousa sobre um conhecimento oculto na área da política e da história. Temos corrompido com bastante sucesso estas ciências. Embora muitas pessoas estejam familiarizadas com os nossos segredos através de tais livros como "1984", pelo desiludido George Orwell, poucos levam a sério e, normalmente, rejeitam as idéias como paranóia. Desde que a política real é motivada pelo auto-interesse individual, a história é vista com mais precisão como uma luta pelo poder e riqueza. Fazemos o nosso melhor para obscurecer essa verdade evidente popularizando a teoria de que a história é feita pelas lutas impessoais entre as idéias, sistemas políticos, ideologias, raças e classes. Através da infiltração sistemática em todas as grandes organizações intelectuais, políticas e ideológicas, utilizando-se da atração do apoio financeiro e publicidade instantânea, temos sido capazes de definir os limites do debate político dentro das exigências ideológicas do nosso poder monetário. A chamada Esquerda-Direita do espectro político é nossa criação. Na verdade, isto reflete exatamente nossa cuidadosa e artificial polarização da população sobre falsas questões, que impedem a questão do nosso poder de surgir em suas mentes. A Esquerda apoia as liberdades civis e se opõe à liberdade econômica e empresarial. A Direita apoia a liberdade econômica e se opõe à liberdade civil. Claro, um não pode existir completamente (o que é nosso objetivo) sem o outro. Nós controlamos o conflito Direita-Esquerda de tal forma que ambas as formas de liberdade são suprimidas na medida que necessitamos. Nossa própria liberdade não repousa sobre "direitos" legais ou morais, mas no nosso controle da burocracia dos governos e tribuinais, que aplicam as complexas regras subjetivas que enganam a opinião pública em apoio para nosso benefício.

Innumerable meaningless conflicts to divert the attention of the public from our operations find fertile ground in the bitter hatreds of the Right-Left imbroglio. Right and Left are irreconcilable on racial policy, treatment of criminals, law enforcement, pornography, foreign policy, women's liberation, and censorship to name just a few issues. Although censorship in the name of "fairness" has been useful in broadcasting and may yet be required in journalism, we generally do not take sides in these issues. Instead we attempt to prolong the conflicts by supporting both sides as required. War, of course, is the ultimate diversionary conflict and the health of our system. War provides the perfect cover of emergency and crisis behind which we consolidate our power. Since nuclear war presents dangers even to us, more and more we have resorted to economic crisis, energy shortages, ecological hysteria, and managed political drama to fill the gap. Meaningless, brush fire wars, though, remain useful. We promote phony free-enterprise on the Right and phony democratic socialism on the Left. Thus, we obtain a "free-enterprise" whose "competition" is carefully regulated by the bureaucracy we control and whose nationalized enterprises are controlled directly through our government. In this way, we maintain a society in which the basis of our power, legal titles to property and money, remain secure, but in which the peril of free, unregulated competition is avoided and popular sovereignty is nullified. The democratic process is a sitting duck for our money power. Invariably we determine the candidates of the major parties and then proceed to pick the winners. Any attempts at campaign reforms simply put the rules of the game more firmly under our government's control.

Inúmeros conflitos sem sentido para desviar a atenção do público de nossas operações encontram um terreno fértil no ódio amargo do imbróglio Direita-Esquerda. Direita e Esquerda são inconciliáveis sobre a política racial, o tratamento dos criminosos, a aplicação da lei, a pornografia, a política externa, a libertação das mulheres, e censura para citar apenas algumas questões. Embora a censura em nome da "justiça" tem sido útil na radiodifusão, e podendo ainda ser exigida em jornalismo, nós geralmente não tomamos partido nessas questões. Em vez disso, tentamos prolongar os conflitos através do apoio a ambos os lados, conforme necessário. Guerra, é claro, é o conflito final de diversificação e a saúde de nosso sistema. Guerra prevê a cobertura perfeita de emergência e crise atrás da qual consolidamos o nosso poder. Desde que a guerra nuclear apresenta perigos até mesmo para nós, mais e mais temos recorrido à crise econômica, a escassez de energia, a histeria ecológica, e gerenciar o drama político para preencher a lacuna. Ininteligíveis, as guerras de fogo nos bosques, porém, permanecem úteis. Nós promovemos a falsa empresa-livre na Direita e o falso socialismo democrático de esquerda. Assim, podemos obter uma "livre-empresa", cuja "concorrência" é cuidadosamente regulada pela burocracia que nós controlamos e cujas empresas nacionalizadas são controladas diretamente pelo nosso governo. Desta forma, mantemos uma sociedade em que é a base da nossa alimentação, títulos legais de propriedade e dinheiro, continuam seguros, mas em que o perigo de livre concorrência não regulamentada é evitado e a soberania popular é anulada. O processo democrático é um alvo fácil para o nosso poder monetário. Invariavelmente, vamos determinar os candidatos dos principais partidos e depois proceder para escolher os vencedores. Quaisquer tentativas de campanhas reformativas simplesmente colocam as regras do jogo mais firmemente sob o controle do nosso governo.

Totalitarianism of the fascist or communist varieties is no danger to us as long as bastions of private property remain to serve as our bases of operation. Totalitarian governments of both Right and Left, because of the vulnerability of their highly visible leaders to party rivals, can be manipulated easily from abroad. Primarily, totalitarian dictatorships efficiently prevent new money lords that could challenge our power from arising in whole continents, civilizations, and races. Perhaps a few words on ideology proper are in order before I conclude.

Totalitarismo das variedades fascistas ou comunistas não é um perigo para nós, enquanto os bastiões da propriedade privada continuarem a servir as nossas bases de operação. Governos totalitários de ambas Direita e Esquerda, devido à vulnerabilidade de seus líderes altamente visíveis para os rivais do partido, pode ser manipulado facilmente do exterior. Principalmente, ditaduras totalitárias previnem eficientemente novos senhores do dinheiro que poderiam desafiar o nosso poder, provenientes de continentes inteiros, civilizações e raças. Talvez algumas palavras sobre a ideologia adequada são pertinentes antes que eu conclua.

The only valid ideology, of course, is rational egoism, that is, the maximization of the individual's gratification by whatever means prove practical. This requires power over nature, especially, when possible, power over other humans who are the most versatile and valuable tools of all. Fortunately, we do not have a society of egoists. Money lords would be impossible in such a society as the mental spooks and rationalizations by which we characteristically manipulate and deceive would be a laughingstock. Under such circumstances a policy of liveand-let live or true "laissez-faire" anarchy might be the only alternative. Certainly a hierarchical order would be difficult to maintain by force alone. However, in the current era, while minds are yet in the thrall of altruistic, collectivistic, and divine moralistic spooks, the egoist's rational course is to utilize such spooks to control others.

A única ideologia válida, é claro, é o egoísmo racional, isto é, a maximização da satisfação do indivíduo pelos meios mais práticos. Isto exige poder sobre a natureza, especialmente, quando possível, poder sobre outros seres humanos que são as ferramentas mais versáteis e valiosas de todas. Felizmente, não temos uma sociedade de egoístas. Os senhores do dinheiro seriam impossíveis em uma sociedade onde os fantasmas mentais e racionalizações pelas quais nós caracteristicamente manipulamos e enganamos fossem motivos de riso. Sob tais circunstâncias, uma política de viver e deixar viver, ou verdadeiro "laissez-faire", a anarquia pode ser a única alternativa. Certamente uma ordem hierárquica seria difícil manter somente pela força. No entanto, na era atual, enquanto a mente está ainda no encalço de altruísta, coletivista, e dos fantasmas moralistas divinos, a direção do egoísta racional é utilizar esses fantasmas para controlar os outros.

The next speaker, Professor M., will detail the key in situation of our power: Central Banking.

O orador seguinte, Professor M., irá detalhar a chave da situação do nosso poder: Banco Central.

[1] - Keynesianismo é a teoria econômica consolidada pelo economista inglês John Maynard Keynes em seu livro Teoria geral do emprego, do juro e da moeda (General theory of employment, interest and money) e que consiste numa organização político-econômica, oposta às concepções neoliberalistas, fundamentada na afirmação do Estado como agente indispensável de controle da economia, com objetivo de conduzir a um sistema de pleno emprego. Tais teorias tiveram enorme influência na renovação das teorias clássicas e na reformulação da política de livre mercado. Fonte: Wikipedia.

[2] – Laissez faire política governamental de não-intervenção na economia; não-interferência na liberdade dos outros (do francês: deixar fazer). Fonte: Babylon Dictionary.
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PROFESSOR M. ON THE ECONOMICS OF CENTRAL BANKING

PROFESSOR M. SOBRE A ECONOMIA DO BANCO CENTRAL

As you have a doctorate degree in economics from a great university, I will touch as lightly as my verbosity allows on facts accepted by economic "science" and proceed to occult aspects of Central Banking. Since the division of labor is the key to all human achievement and satisfaction, a system of exchange is crucial. Barter is hopelessly complicated. A command economy, in which each does and receives what he is told, is also hopelessly cumbersome and fails to take advantage of individual initiative, ability, and concrete knowledge. A medium of exchange, money, is the obvious solution. (Even our highly centralized economies on the socialist model now enthusiastically embrace money as an indispensable simplifying tool in their economic planning.) When left to themselves, people of a given geographical area settled upon a durable luxury commodity, usually gold or silver, to use as money. Because money is a store of value as well as a medium of exchange, people saved part of their gold income rather than spending it all. This gold was often stored in the vaults of a local goldsmith, the precursor of the modern banker, for safekeeping. The depositor received a receipt that entitled him to an equal quantity and quality of gold on demand from the goldsmith. At some point the goldsmith realized that there was no reason he could not loan out some of the gold for interest as long as he kept gold on hand sufficient to meet the fairly predictable withdrawal rate. After all, he simply promised to pay on demand, not hold the gold as such. Better yet, he could simply issue more receipts for gold than he had gold and the receipts, renamed notes, could circulate freely among the populace as money. However, he soon found that there was a definite limit set on this process by reality. Not all the extra notes issued circulated forever among the public. The rate of note redemption began to increase rapidly as the receipts passed into the hands of people unfamiliar with his reputation and especially when competitive goldsmiths, always eager for more gold reserves, came into possession of his notes. To prevent a disastrous run on his gold reserves, note issuance had to be kept within bounds. But the spending power of over-issuance was a grave temptation. Especially relished was the power over governments, industry, and merchants that the miraculous loan power of the goldsmith could obtain. Many succumbed to temptation, overextended themselves, and brought ruin to their depositors while others slowly became wealthy bankers by pursuing conservative loan policies. At this point, according to economic "science," Central Banks are instituted to protect the public from periodic financial catastrophe at the hands of unscrupulous fractional reserve bankers. Nothing could be further from the truth. Central Banks are established to remove the limitation on over issuance that reality places on competitive banking systems.

Como você tem um doutorado em economia numa universidade grande, vou tocar suavemente, como a minha verbosidade permite, em fatos aceitos pela "ciência" econômica e avançar para aspectos ocultos do Banco Central. Desde que a divisão do trabalho é a chave para todas as realizações e satisfações humanas, um sistema de trocas é fundamental. Permutar é irremediavelmente complicado. Uma economia de comando, em que cada um faz e recebe o que lhe é dito, é também irremediavelmente complicado e falha em tomar partido das iniciativas individuais, habilidades e conhecimento concreto. Um meio de troca, dinheiro, é a solução óbvia. (Mesmo nossas economias altamente centralizadas no modelo socialista agora abraçam com entusiasmo o dinheiro como uma ferramenta simplificatória indispensável em seus planejamentos econômicos.) Quando deixadas por si mesmas, as pessoas de uma determinada área geográfica assentam-se em cima de uma durável comodidade luxuriosa, geralmente ouro ou prata, para usar como dinheiro. Porque o dinheiro é uma reserva de valor, bem como um meio de troca, as pessoas salvam parte de sua renda de ouro em vez de gastar tudo. Este ouro foi muitas vezes guardado nos cofres de um ourives local, o precursos do banqueiro moderno, por segurança. O depositante recebeu um recibo que lhe confere o direito a uma igual quantidade e qualidade de ouro da demanda dos ourives. Em algum ponto, o ourives percebeu que não havia nenhuma razão que o impedisse de emprestar alguma soma de ouro à juros, enquanto matinha ouro suficiente em mãos para satisfazer as taxas de retirada razoavelmente previsíveis. Afinal, ele simplesmente prometeu pagar à vista, não segurar o ouro como tal. Melhor ainda, ele poderia simplesmente emitir recibos em troca do ouro, a mais do que ele tinha de ouro, e os recibos, notas renomeadas, podiam circular livremente entre a população como dinheiro. No entanto, ele logo descobriu que havia um conjunto de limites definidos neste processo pela realidade. Nem todas as notas extras emitidas sempre circularam entre o público. A taxa de redenção das notas começaram a aumentar rapidamente, como os recibos passaram para as mãos de pessoas não familiarizadas com a sua reputação e, especialmente, quando ourives concorrentes, sempre ávidos por mais reservas de ouro, entraram em posse de suas anotações. Para evitar uma contínuo desastre em suas reservas de ouro, a emissão de notas tinha que ser mantida dentro de limites. Mas o poder de compra do excesso de emissão foi uma tentação grave. Especialmente apreciado era o poder sobre os governos, indústrias e comerciantes, que poder do empréstimo milagroso dos ourives poderia obter. Muitos sucumbiram à tentação, estenderam-se além dos limites usuais, e trouxeram a ruína de seus depositantes lentamente, enquanto outros se tornaram ricos banqueiros, prosseguindo as políticas conservadoras de empréstimo. Neste ponto, segundo a "ciência" econômica, os Bancos Centrais são instituídos para proteger o público de uma catástrofe financeira periódica nas mãos de banqueiros sem escrúpulos de reservas fracionárias. Nada poderia estar mais longe da verdade. Bancos Centrais são estabelecidos para remover a limitação de maiores emissões, que colocam a realidade no sistema bancário competitivo.

As early as ancient Babylon and India, Central Banking, the art of monopolizing the issuance of money, had been developed into a perfect method for looting the general public. Even today many bankers copy the traditions of the earlier exploitive priesthood and design their banks to resemble temples! Defenses of Central Banking are simply part of the deception that lies at the heart of all power elites. Let us look at the way a new Central Bank is created where none has existed previously.

Já na antiga Babilônia e na Índia, Bancos Centrais, a arte de monopolizar a emissão de dinheiro, haviam sido desenvolvidos em um método perfeito para o saque do público em geral. Ainda hoje, muitos banqueiros copiam as tradições exploradoras dos sacerdócios anteriores e projetam seus bancos para se assemelharem a templos! Defesas do Banco Central são simplesmente parte do engano que está no cerne de todas as elites do poder. Deixe-nos considerar a maneira de como um novo Banco Central é criado, onde não existia anteriormente.

We bankers approach the Prince or ruling assembly (both of whom always want more money to fight wars or to curry favor with the people and, typically, are ignorant of economics) with a compelling proposal: "Grant our bank a national Charter to regulate private banking and to issue legal tender notes, that is, force our notes to be accepted as payment for all debts, public and private. In exchange we will provide the government all the notes it prudently requires at interest rates easily payable with existing taxes. The increased government purchasing power thus created will simultaneously assure the power and prestige of the currently precarious nation and stimulate the sluggish, credit-starved economy to new heights of prosperity. Most important the violent banking panics and credit collapses caused by unscrupulous private bankers will be replaced by our even handed, beneficent and scientific management of money and banking. Our public-spirited expertise will be at the disposal of the state, while we remain independent enough of momentary political pressures to assure sound management."

Nós banqueiros abordamos o Príncipe ou assembléia dominante (ambos a quem sempre querem mais dinheiro para lutar em guerras ou para bajular o povo e, normalmente, são ignorantes em economia) com uma proposta irresistível: “Conceda ao nosso banco um alvará nacional para regulamentar os bancos privados e a emissão de notas de curso legal, isto é, forçe nossas notas a serem aceitas como pagamento de todas as dívidas, públicas e privadas. Em troca, nós iremos forcener ao Governo todas as notas que prudentemente exigem que as taxas de juros sejam facilmente pagas com os impostos existentes. O governo aumenta o poder de compra, assim criado simultaneamente assegurará o poder e o prestígio da nação atualmente precário, e estimular a economia indolente esfomeada por crédito para novos patamares de prosperidade. O mais importante é que, o pânico bancário violento e os colapsos de crédito causados por inescrupulosos banqueiros privados, serão substituídos por nossa administração imparcial, beneficiente e científica do dinheiro e serviços bancários. Nossa perícia embuída de espírito público será colocada à disposição do Estado, enquanto permanecemos suficientemente independentes de pressões políticas momentâneas para garantir uma boa gestão."

For a while this system seems to work remarkably well with full employment for everyone. The government and public does not notice that we issuers of the new notes are using the notes we create out of thin air to surreptitiously build economic empires at the expense of established interests. Because of the legal tender laws, few of the new notes issued by the Central Bank are returned for redemption in gold. In fact, private banks and even a few foreign banks may begin to use the Central Bank's notes as reserves for further issuance of credit. Soon enough, though, prices begin to rise as the added notes increase demand relative to the quantity of goods and services. As the value of their savings decline more and more, foreigners in particular begin to question the value of the Central Bank's notes and start to demand redemption in gold. We, of course, do not take responsibility for the rampant inflation when it comes. We blame inflation on evil speculators who drive up prices for personal gain, as well as the greed of organized labor and business who are promptly made subject to wage and price controls. Even the consumer can be made to feel guilty for agreeing to pay the high prices! Mistaking symptoms for causes the government accepts the banker's analysis of the problem and continues to give the Bank free reign in monetary policy. By slowing the rate of note issuance periodically the ultimate crisis stage is postponed until many decades after the original Central Bank Charter was granted. Before the rapidly dwindling gold reserves on which faith in our Bank depends is exhausted we abruptly contract our loan volume to private industry and government as well. With the contraction of the money supply a great deflationary crash begins in earnest with all its attendant unemployment, bankruptcies, and civil strife. We do not take responsibility for the depression. We blame it on evil hoarders who are refusing to spend their money and the prophets of doom who are spoiling business confidence. The government accepts this analysis and leaves monetary policy in our hands. If things go well we bankers channel the fury and unrest into puppet movements and pressure groups that carry our agents into full control of the government. Once in charge we devalue our outstanding bank notes in terms of gold and make them inconvertible for all but possibly foreign Central Banks and begin plans to restore a "prosperity" that will be totally ours. When lucky, we are able to confiscate the gold of private citizens as punishment for hoarding during the climax of the depression.

Durante algum tempo, este sistema parece funcionar muito bem com o pleno emprego para todos. O Governo e o público não percebem que, os emitentes das novas notas estão usando as notas que nós criamos fora do ar para sub-repticiamente construir impérios econômicos em detrimento dos interesses estabelecidos. Por causa das leis de curso legal, algumas das novas notas emitidas pelo Banco Central são devolvidas para resgate em ouro. Na verdade, os bancos privados e até mesmo alguns bancos estrangeiros podem começar a usar as notas do Banco Central como reservas para a emissão adicional de crédito. Pouco tempo suficiente, porém, os preços começam a subir, como as notas adicionadas aumentam a procura em relação a quantidade de bens e serviços. Como o valor das suas poupanças declinam cada vez mais, os estrangeiros em particular, começam a questionar o valor das notas do Banco Central e começam a exigir resgate em ouro. Nós, é claro, não assumimos a responsabilidade pela inflação galopante, quando se trata. Nós culpamos a inflação sobre os especuladores do mal que fazem subir os preços para o ganho pessoal, bem como a ganância do trabalho organizado e de negócios que são imediatamente submetidos a controle de salários e preços. Mesmo que o consumidor possa ser feito para se sentir culpado por ter concordado em pagar os preços altos! Confundindo os sintomas pelas causas, o governo aceita a análise do banqueiro sobre o problema, e continua a dar ao Banco o reinado livre na política monetária. Retardando a taxa de emissão de nota periodicamente, a crise final é adiada para muitas décadas após a concessão do alvará original do Banco Central. Antes diminuindo rapidamente as reservas de ouro em que a fé em nosso Banco depende se esgote, nós abruptamente contratamos nosso volume de empréstimos aos setor privado e ao governo também. Com a contração da oferta monetária, um grande acidente de deflação começa a sério com todos seus acompanhantes, desemprego, falências e luta civil. Nós não assumimos a responsabilidade pela depressão. Nós culpamos os açambarcadores que se recusam a gastar seu dinheiro e os profetas da desgraça que estão estragando a confiança dos empresários. O governo aceita esta análise e as folhas de política monetária em nossas mãos. Se as coisas vão bem, nós banqueiros canalizamos a fúria e agitação em movimentos fantoches e grupos de pressão que levam nossos agentes no controle total do governo. Uma vez no comando, nós desvalorizamos nossas excelentes notas bancárias em termos de ouro e as tornamos inconversíveis para todos, mas, eventualmente, os Bancos Centrais estrangeiros começam os planos para restaurar a "prosperidade", que será totalmente nossa. Quando propício, somos capazes de apreender o ouro de cidadãos privados como castigo por acumulação durante o clímax da depressão.

Once the old order is subdued during the chaos of the crash and desperation of the depression, the field is open for our full finance capitalist system to be realized. If the money lords behind the Central Bank can avoid lapsing into political and economic competition among themselves a new and lasting order can be established. A war timed for this period of consolidation provides the perfect excuse for the regimentation required to crush all opposition.

Uma vez que a velha ordem é subjugada durante o caos da queda e desespero da depressão, o campo está aberto para o nosso sistema de financiamento integral capitalista a ser realizado. Se os senhores do dinheiro por trás do Banco Central podem evitar de cairem em competição política e econômica entre si, uma ordem nova e duradoura pode ser estabelecida. Uma guerra programada para este período de consolidação é a desculpa perfeita para a arregimentação necessária para esmagar toda a oposição.

Professor B., a former Chairman of a Central Bank, will explain the functioning of the Central Bank in the typical, fully developed finance capitalist system.

Professor B., um ex-presidente do Banco Central, irá explicar o funcionamento do Banco Central no sistema típico, o totalmente desenvolvido capitalismo financeiro.

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PROFESSOR B. ON THE FUNCTION OF THE CENTRAL BANK IN THE MATURE FINANCE CAPITALIST SYSTEM

PROFESSOR B. SOBRE A FUNÇÃO DO BANCO CENTRAL NO SISTEMA CAPITALISTA FINANCEIRO DESENVOLVIDO

In its pristine form a Central Bank is a private monopoly of a nation's money and credit issuance supported by the coercive power of the state. That the Central Bank be directly in our hands is vital until our new order is firmly established throughout the governmental, business, intellectual and political spheres of society. After our order is consolidated, formal nationalization of the Central Bank with great fanfare is usually advisable in order to dispel any lingering suspicion that it is operated for private gain. Of course only loyal agents of the dynasty are allowed to obtain high offices in the Bank and our power remains intact.

Em sua forma primitiva, um Banco Central é um monopólio privado do dinheiro e emissão de crédito de uma nação, apoiado pelo poder coercitivo do Estado. Que o Banco Central esteja diretamente em nossas mão é vital até que a nossa nova ordem seja firmemente estabelecida em todas as esferas governamentais, empresariais, intelectuais e políticas da sociedade. Após a consolidação da nossa ordem, a nacionalização formal do Banco Central com grande fanfarra é geralmente aconselhável, a fim de dissipar qualquer suspeita de que ele é operado para ganho privado. Claro que somente os agentes fiéis da dinastia são autorizados a obter altos cargos no Banco, e nosso poder permanece intacto.

Obvious private monopolies are always the targets of sharp reformist agitators. Only the most paranoid, however, can see through the public facade to the private monopoly of the nationalized or quasi-nationalized Central Bank. The Central Bank is the primary monopoly on which all our monopoly power depends. The occult power of the Central Bank to create money out of nothing is the fountain head that fuels our far-flung financial and political empire. I will make a quick survey of a few of the ways this secret money power is brought to bear.

Monopólios privados óbvios são sempre alvos de afiados agitadores reformistas. Apenas os mais paranóicos, porém, podem ver através da fechada pública para o monopólio privado da nacionalização ou quase-nacionalização do Banco Central. O Banco Central é o monopólio primário pelo qual todo o nosso poder de monopólio depende. O poder oculto do Banco Central para criar dinheiro do nada é a cabeça da fonte que alimenta nossos longínquos impérios financeiros e políticos. Vou fazer um exame rápido de algumas das maneiras que este poder monetário secreto é exercido.

Basically, the power of our Central Bank flows from its control over the points of entry into the economy of new, inflationary money which it creates out of thin air. Ordinarily, bills of exchange, acceptances, private bonds, government bonds and other credit instruments are purchased by the Central Bank through specially privileged dealers in order to put the new money, often only checking accounting entries, into circulation. The dealers are allowed a large profit since they are fronts operated by our agents. Our purchase of government securities pleases the government, as our purchase of private debt pleases private debtors. As a quid pro quo to assure "good management" our agents are given directorships, managerial posts, and offices in the corporations and governments so benefited. As the addiction to the narcotic of inflationary easy credit grows and grows we demand more and more control of our dependent entourage of governments and corporations. When we finally end the easy credit to "combat inflation" the enterprises and governments either fall directly into our hands, bankrupt, or are rescued at the price of total control. Also, we ruling bankers control the flow of money in the economy through the wide authority of the Central Bank to license, audit, and regulate private banks. Banks that loan to interests outside the loyal entourage are "audited" by the Central Bank and found to be dangerously overextended. Just a hint of insolvency from the respected Central Bank authorities is enough to cause a run on the disobedient bank or at least dry up its vital lines of credit. Soon the banking establishment learns to follow the hints and nods of your father's agents at the Central Bank automatically.

Basicamente, o poder do nosso Banco Central deriva do seu controle sobre os pontos de entrada na economia ultimamente, dinheiro inflacionário que ele cria de nenhum lugar. Normalmente, letras de câmbio, aceitações, títulos privados, títulos públicos e outros títulos de crédito são comprados pelo Banco Central através dos negociantes privilegiados, a fim de colocar o dinheiro novo, muitas vezes apenas verificando as entradas de contabilidade, em circulação. São permitidos aos concessionários um grande lucro, uma vez que as frentes sejam operadas por nossos agentes. Nossa compra de títulos do governo agrada ao governo, como a nossa compra da dívida privada agrada devedores privados. Como um quid pro quo[1] para garantir a "boa gestão", são dados aos nossos agentes diretorias, cargos de chefia, e escritórios nas corporações e governos tão beneficiados. Como o vício pelo narcótico do crédito fácil inflacionário cresce e cresce, exigimos mais e mais controle da nossa comitiva dependente de governos e corporações. Quando nós finalmente encerramos o crédito fácil para "combater a inflação", as empresas e governos caem diretamente em nossas mãos, falindo, ou são resgatadas à preço de controle total. Além disso, nós dominamos o controle bancário do fluxo monetário na economia através da gama de autoridade do Banco Central para licenciar, fazer auditorias, e relugar os bancos privados. Bancos que emprestam aos interesses externos das comitivas fiéis são "fiscalizados" pelo Banco Central e considerados perigosamente sobrecarregados. Apenas uma sugetsão de insolvência das respeitadas autoridades do Banco Central é suficiente para provocar uma corrida ao banco desobediente ou pelo menos secar suas linhas vitais de crédito. Logo, o estabelecimento bancário aprende a seguir as sugestões e acenos de agentes de seu pai no Banco Central automaticamente.

Further, the periodic cycles of easy money and tight money that we initiate through our control of the Central Bank cause corresponding fluctuations in all markets. Our inner circle knows in advance the timing of these cycles and, therefore reaps windfall profits by speculating in commodity, stock, currency, gold, and bond markets. Monopolistic stock and commodity Exchanges are a vital adjunct to our power made possible by our Central Bank power. We do not allow a fair auction market to exist, but make a great show of "tough" government regulation to create a false sense of confidence among small investors. With the aid of our regulatory charade and financial power we are able to maintain Exchanges tailored to our entourage's need to manipulate stock prices at the expense of independent investors. Our privileged specialists on the floors of our Exchanges, aided by the propaganda of our financial press and brokerage houses, continually play on naivete' and greed to drain the savings of the unwary into our coffers. The stock, commodities, and securities held in trading accounts by the Exchange and brokerage houses provides us with a clout far beyond our own actual holdings with which we can manipulate prices and win proxy fights for corporate takeovers.

Além disso, os ciclos periódicos de dinheiro fácil e dinheiro apertado que iniciamos através do nosso controle do Banco Central causa flutuações correspondentes em todos os mercados. Nosso círculo íntimo sabe de antemão o calendário destes ciclos e, por isso, colhe lucros inesperados por especular em mercadorias, ações, moeda, ouro, e mercados de obrigações. Trocas monopolísticas de ações e de mercadorias são um complemento vital para a nossa força possível, usando nosso poder do Banco Central. Nós não permitimos que um mercado justo para leilão exista, mas fazemos um grande show de "duras" regulações governamentais para criar uma falsa sensação de confiança dos pequenos investidores. Com a ajuda da nossa charada regulamentar e poder financeiro que somos capazes de manter diálogos apropriados às necessidades de nossa comitiva de manipular os preços das ações em detrimento de investidores independentes. Nossos privilegiados especialistas no chão de nossas trocas, auxiliados pela propaganda da nossa imprensa financeira e corretoras de valores, continuamente jogamos na ingenuidade e ganância para drenar a poupança de incautos em nossos cofres. As ações, mercadorias e títulos mantidos em contas de negociação pela troca e correção nos fornecem uma influência muito além de nossas próprias explorações com as quais podemos manipular os preços e ganhar fundos de investimento para aquisições de empresas.

Little danger to our lucrative racket exists from public spirited regulation. Our manipulations are so complex that only the most brilliant experts could comprehend them. To most economists our Exchange operations appear to be helpful efforts to "stabilize" the market. We ruling bankers, if able to keep peace among ourselves, become richer and richer as time passes without the annoyance of exerting productive effort of benefit to others.

Pouco perigo para a nossa fraude lucrativa existe a partir da regulação do público impetuoso. Nossas manipulações são tão complexas que só os especialistas mais brilhantes poderiam compreendê-las. Para a maioria dos economistas, nossas operações de troca parecem ser esforços úteis para "estabilizar" o mercado. Temos banqueiros no poder, se formos capazes de mantermos a paz entre nós mesmos, tornamos-nos cada vez mais ricos com o passar do tempo, sem o incômodo de fazer todos os esforços produtivos para benefício de outros.

The next speaker, Professor G. will discuss the secrets of social legislation and policy that do so much to cement our power.

O orador seguinte, Professor G. discutirá os segredos da legislação social e política que fazem muito para consolidar nossa alimentação.
Continua....

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6.     PROFESSOR G. ON SOCIAL AND BUSINESSLEGISLATION AND POLICY ~

"There is no proletarian, not even a Communist, movement, that has not operated in the interests of money, in the direction indicated by money, and for the time being permitted by money--and that without the idealists among its leaders having the slightest suspicion of the fact." --- Oswald Spengler: "Decline of the West"

"Also at the (SDS) convention, men from Business International Roundtables… tried to buy up some radicals. These are the world's leading industrialists and they convene to decide how our lives 
are going to go… We were also offered Esso (Rockefeller) money. They want us to make a lot of radical commotion so they can look more in the center as they move to the left." --- James Kunen: "The Strawberry Statement: Notes of a College Revolutionary" 

The danger to our system clearly is not that the "people" will spontaneously rise up and dispossess us. The "people" never initiate anything. All successful movements are led from the top, usually without the knowledge of the movement, by men like your father with vast resources and brilliant plans. The real danger arises in the upper-middle classes. Occasionally, these people make vast fortunes through some brilliant technological innovation in their business or through the favor of local politicians that escape our influence. Because of their ignorance of the reality of our power, however, the new rich usually fall easily into our hands. For instance, they seldom realize until too late that the dozens of loans they may owe to apparently independent banks can be called simultaneously with a mere nod from your father. Graver danger is presented by those whose enterprises are so successful as to be self-financing. Since the advent of the corporate income tax truly self-financing corporations are extremely rare. Most disquieting is when these upstarts acquire the covert or open support and advice of your father's major international antagonists. This is particularly dangerous in countries with long democratic traditions where it is difficult to make our arbitrary rulings stick.

The best solution is to enact comprehensive taxes and business regulations in the name of the common good. Such measures reduce the incidence of significant upstart competition to manageable levels. This policy, of course, strangles innovation and productivity. Reduction of the GNPs in countries under your father's control would be acceptable in the interests of secure power under the pretext of conservation, ecology, or no-growth stability except that if carried too far your father's clout vis-a-vis his international rivals would be impaired. The most difficult problem for the money lord is determining the level of social and economic freedom he dares allow for the sake of his international power. Only method is to maintain a home base of carefully monitored, relative freedom on which to base the economic and military strength required to maintain an empire of totalitarian dictatorships abroad. The following measures, however, are found necessary by nearly all money lords:

1. Steeply Graduated Income Tax ~ Income tax does not affect us because our money was accumulated before the tax was imposed and most of it is now safely protected in our network of tax exempt foundations. Foundation income and capital can legally be used to finance the bulk of our social, economic, literary, and even political propaganda. In a pinch it is easily diverted to illegal uses. Expensive "studies" required by our profitable economic operations can be legitimately financed through foundations.

To the middle classes, however, income tax makes life into an endless treadmill. Even the most productive find themselves unable to accumulate significant capital. They are forced into the clutches of our Central Bank entourage for injections of the inflationary credit which we are privileged to create out of nothing. The self-financing wealth of the legendary 19th Century robber barons and early Twentieth Century tycoons is no longer possible. Although your grandfather owed his start to just those wide-open conditions, he was among the first of the super-rich to advocate the erection of the tax wall that is now in place. Please note that in democratic countries eternal vigilance is required to prevent our tax shield from being riddled with loop holes by conniving legislators, who are usually of the tax oppressed, upper-middle class origins themselves.

2. Business Regulation ~ When upstarts slip through our financial tentacles and tax shields, perhaps with the aid of outsiders, a second line of defense becomes vital licensing in the crucial area of broadcasting has proven particularly necessary. This makes serious upstart-led mass political challenge impossible. Harassment by bureaucrats armed with arbitrary and voluminous industrial safety regulations is a new and increasingly effective technique. Security registration requirements, "to protect the small investor," can cause fatal delays in an upstart's ability to raise capital on the stock market. Ecological considerations are easily perverted to stymie the plans of those who would upset the stability of our carefully planned system.

Anti-trust law, however, is our ultimate weapon. The handy doctrine of "pure and perfect" competition which we have fostered in our universities is ideally suited to convict any successful competitor, at our discretion. If the competitor charges a lower price than ours he is accused of "unfair competition" aimed at driving us from the field to impair future competition. If he asks the same price as we, he is open to the charge of collusion. If he charges more than us, he is obviously exploiting his "monopoly power" at the expense of the consumer. Fortunately, the rulings of our bureaucrats are so complicated that even when successfully appealed in court many years elapse before the ruling is rendered. By then our goals are often achieved through harassment.

Product quality, safety, and testing regulations are excellent methods by which we insulate our established industries from potential competition. Beside raising the costs of entry into the auto business, for instance, the cost of "safety" can be passed to the consumer along with a healthy profit mark-up.

3. Subsidies, Tariffs, and Foreign Aid ~ Although direct subsidies can occasionally be procured for our entourage of corporations by appealing to the masses' desire to preserve jobs, this exploitive technique is usually too obvious. Tariffs are easily passed, but lead to retaliation against our foreign holdings. Foreign aid and soft (sure to be defaulted) government guaranteed loans, however, fill the bill perfectly under modern conditions. Foreign aid maintains our empire of foreign dictators abroad while providing guaranteed, highly profitable sales to our corporations at home base. Foreign aid should always be contingent on the purchase of goods, usually military hardware, that only our entourage of firms can provide. Few have the courage to oppose such altruistic aid to the "starving masses" of the "third world."

4. Centralization of Power ~ Real division of power between national, state, and local government is dangerous to our system. When local politicians have real autonomy, even in limited spheres, they can do much to enable upstarts to challenge our power. Our program is to bring all levels of government under our sway through such innovations as federal aid, revenue sharing, high federal taxation, and regional government.

5. Alliance with the Lower Classes ~ In order to keep our valuable regulatory machinery in place and under our control we must have the mass support of the numerous lower classes against our vigorous, but scarce middle-class rivals. The best method is to provide the lower classes with subsidies at the expense of the middle class. This creates a mutual hatred that prevents the middle class from appealing effectively to the lower classes for support. Social security, free health care, unemployment benefits, and direct welfare payments, while doing nothing for us directly, create a dependent class whose support for our critical measures can easily be made part of a package deal. Please note also that the major labor unions began with our financing and are led to this day by leaders of our choosing. No one can rise to or remain at the top of a rough and tumble union without our financial backing. In spite of their rebellious rhetoric, bought union leaders are the source of our power over the management of firms with widely held stock. Unions are the ultimate weapon for destroying otherwise invulnerable, self-financing rivals. Further, downward flexibility of wages and prices which obtains without widespread unionization would increase the ability of the economy to survive without our aid during the economic crises we create.

Bread and circuses are as useful today as in Roman times for mobilizing the mob against our staid adversaries. Next, Professor D. will describe our education policies.

7.     PROFESSOR D. ON THE ROLE OF PUBLIC EDUCATION ~

"In our dreams we have limitless resources and the people yield themselves with perfect docility to our molding hands. The present educational conventions fade from our minds, and unhampered by tradition, we work our good will upon a grateful and responsive rural folk . . . The task we set before ourselves is a beautiful one, to train these people as we find them to a perfectly ideal life just as they are. So we will organize our children into a little community and teach them to do in a perfect way the things their fathers and mothers are doing in an imperfect way in the home, in shop, and on the farm."  --- The objective of Rockefeller "philanthropies" stated by him and Gates in Occasional Letter No. 1 of Rockefeller's General Education Board.

"A general state education is a mere contrivance for molding people to be exactly like one another; and as the mold in which it casts them is that which pleases the predominant power in the government --- whether this be a monarch, a priesthood, an aristocracy, or the majority of the existing generation --- in proportion as it is efficient and successful, it establishes a despotism over the mind, leading by natural tendency to one over the body." --- John Stuart Mill 

In order to maintain our system of power, the institution of universal public education is indispensable. The anarchy of private education in which any manner of dangerous ideas could be spread cannot be tolerated. Thus we make private education financially impossible to all but the few mostly the elite offspring of our financial entourage, by means of burdensome taxation and regulation. The primary purpose of public education is to inculcate the idea that our crucial institutions of coercion and monopoly were created for the public good by popular national heroes to blunt the past power of the malefactors of great wealth. Crucial is to create the impression that, although the people have been exploited in the past, today the wealthy are at the mercy of an all-powerful government which is firmly in the hands of the people or do-gooding liberals.

For those of more sophistication who reject this Pollyanna view of reality, we promote the "liberal reformer mentality" which holds that a new era of reform is on the verge of crushing forever the last vestiges of money lordism. Of course, the reforms, after taking shape as a bewildering myriad of regulatory agencies and taxes, are found to be ineffective in subordinating our power to the popular will, whereupon we stir up another era of progressive reform.

Our contrived Left-Right spectrum which our compulsory education helps to make universal is valuable in assuring that this charade does not get out of hand. The Pollyannas in the middle are neither dangerous nor useful in this endeavor. What is needed is a feeble, but persistent right-conservatism to moderate and emasculate the liberal reforms. Conservatives tend to resist all the advances in centralized, government power that we lead the liberals to see as necessary in order to totally end the "undemocratic" power of money in society. Conservatism would rather promote a "pluralism" of competing interests in which money is the medium of competition than risk the excesses of "big government," When "liberal" reforms show signs of exceeding our intentions and actually threaten to place our key institutions in the hands of the people, we can always count on the conservatives to defend our power under the illusion that they are defending the legitimate rights of "free-enterprise capitalists." On the rare occasions when conservatives call for subjecting our enterprises to laissez-faire competition, we can count on the dominant liberal reformers to insist on more government interference, unaware of our desire for such, in effect, self-administered regulation.

The Right has such a fear of the Left's dream of democratic collectivism and the Left such a hatred for what it sees as the Right's elitist, rugged individualism that there is little danger that they will ever join forces to overturn our government-backed monopolies even though we violate the ideals of both left and right.

Centralization of control at the state, or preferably national level, assists in building the climate of opinion we require in public education. Failing to obliterate local control, other methods nearly as effective are available. Our overwhelming financial clout in the publishing industry can induce relatively uniform textbook selection. Further leverage can be created by promoting teacher colleges and teaching machines. National teacher's associations and unions are also an excellent power base from which to foster our programs of indoctrination.

With our great influence in publishing and publicity we are able to, selectively popularize educational theorists whose views are incidentally beneficial, compatible, or at least not in conflict with our own goals. This way we obtain sincere, energetic activists to propagate our desires without having to reveal our motives or even existence. We do not want an educational system that produces hard-driving individuals bent on amassing great wealth and power. Therefore, we discourage education that would develop the potential powers of students to their fullest. "Liberal" education that stresses knowledge for its own sake or even sophistry and sterile mental gymnastics is of no danger to us. "Relevant," vocational, or career-oriented education also poses no danger to our power. Education that prepares students to accept a cog-like existence in our military-industrial-social-welfare-regulation complex is ideal. Progressive education with its stress on "social adjustment" also produces the conformity we require of our subjects. Emphasis on competitive sports may produce a certain amount of disruptive competitiveness among the participants, but primarily has the effect of creating life-long voyeuristic spectators who will enthusiastically sublimate their competitiveness into endless hours of following college and professional sports on the boob tube. Space spectaculars and dramatic political infighting are also marvelous diversions with which to occupy the masses.

Anyone seeking social change will gravitate to the field of education. Our strategy is simple: Let only those succeed whose influence would be compatible with our power. Encourage all who would develop the passive or receptive mode of existence. Discourage all who promote the aggressive or active capacities. Build a great cult of salvation through endless education, touting it as the "democratic" path to success Deride the frontal approach to success of the "outmoded' rugged individualist.

Before yielding the floor to Professor X., who will discuss the role of secret societies and prestigious clubs, I would like to comment on the demise of religious education as a vehicle for social control. Religion, in its time, was a remarkable weapon for inculcating subservience, altruism, and self-abnegation among our subjects. We did not give up this weapon voluntarily. Your grandfather, for one, supported the Baptist faith well after most finance capitalists had turned wholly to secular ideologies. However, a trend toward rationality in human affairs plods along inexorably quite outside the reach of our power. Only in our totalitarian dictatorships can this trend be quashed entirely. In the semi-open societies in which our money power is based, the forces of reason can only be impeded and diverted. Some have theorized that, eventually, widespread rational egoism will overturn our order. I am confident that secular faiths and just plain confusion will suffice to sustain our power for many centuries to come.

8.      PROFESSOR X. ON PRESTIGIOUS ASSOCIATIONS AND SECRET SOCIETIES ~

"Every compulsion is put upon writers to become safe, polite, obedient, and sterile. In protest, I declined election to the National Institute of Arts and Letters some years ago, and now I must decline the 
Pulitzer Prize." --- Upton Sinclair

"It is useless to deny, because it is impossible to conceal, that a great part of Europe--the whole of Italy and France and a great portion of Germany, to say nothing of other countries--is covered with a network of these secret societies, just as the superficies of the earth is now being covered with railroads." --- Benjamin Disraeli (Earl of Beaconsfield), July 14, 1856 

In preserving and protecting our grasp on nations we must exert veiled control of all major opinion molding associations and especially prestigious clubs which attract the leaders in various fields and do so much to influence the dispensing of commanding positions in government and business. Associations of the leading scholars, businessmen, writers, religionists, artists, bureaucrats, newsmen, ideologists, publishers, broadcasters, and professional men as well as special interest groups representing laborers, farmers, consumers, racial minorities, and so on must be subtly kept under the broad limits of our sway. Since membership dues and fees are never sufficient to support their ambitious activities, voluntary, non-profit organizations are easy prey for the nearly unlimited financial resources of our entourage. However, our real motive, to further our political and economic power, must not be revealed in the process. Our policies must be laboriously rationalized in terms compatible with prevalent ideologies and moralities or the material advantage of the groups involved. Leaders of such groups are remarkably quick to accept our rationalizations when financial support is extended. We engage in outright bribery only as a last resort, and then, only in extreme cases. Our long-range interests are better served by temporarily postponing a policy victory than by risking exposure of our power by attempting outright bribery. In fact, clumsy bribery and intimidation attempts are characteristic of our foolish nouveau-riche opponents.

As an example, if we decide that federal rather than state chartering or licensing of corporations would further our control over the economy, we would not simply order politicians and opinion leaders to support our desires. Corporations not relishing central control would be suspicious that something was afoot and might expose our plot. Our strategy would be as follows:

1. Sacrifice one of our less competent management teams in a well-publicized corporate scandal in order to focus attention on the "widespread problem of corporate corruption under current, lax regulations."

2. Through well-funded agents, thrust into the publicity spotlight intellectuals or groups who already support federal licensing as a piecemeal step toward socialism. (One can find pre-existing supporters for nearly any measure with sufficient effort.)

3. After the issue is before the public, offer to support through foundations the "objective" study of the federal licensing proposals being discussed with an eye toward proposing legislation. Often, simultaneous support for studies by disreputable, irrational groups who will oppose the proposal is useful as well. Provide no platform for 
well-reasoned opposition.

4. When a ground swell of support appears to be building provide the interested lobbying organizations with plenty of funds to grease the palms of politicians. The enactment of the federal licensing law thus appears as the will of society. Last-ditch opposition automatically appears mean spirited, obstructionist, reactionary, and paranoid, serving only to discredit our opposition.

In our fully developed system of finance capitalist thought control and promotion control, our hierarchy of prestigious associations is capped by a single prestige society: The Council of World Affairs. This organization is a front for the secret society of which your father is head. This secret society is made up of the people who have spoken, plus six others not present. You are replacing Professor Q. who is to retire shortly. Eventually you will replace your father. We thirteen are your father's advisors and only confidants. All other agents are misled as to the bulk of our objectives and motives. Their knowledge is restricted to the details required by their assignments. The penalty for disloyalty is death.

The Council is invaluable for propagating our policy decisions to our entourage without revealing our motives and strategy. In many instances, policy can he successfully sold to our entourage and thus transmitted to the multitudes by merely airing it along with appropriate rationalizations in a single awe-inspiring session of the Council. The informal power of the Council is such that our policy manipulations are usually attainable without the clumsy exercises in brute power that invariably snag the independent power seekers. The Council is at the heart of what is called the Establishment and we are at the heart of the Council.

At the Council's inception, we worked hard to attract the successful of all fields with all the prestige that our money power could buy. We had to work hard convincing the independent, self-made Council members to move in harmony with our policy objectives. We had many failures. Now everything is changed. Membership is no longer a reward for success as much as it is a prerequisite for major success. Without Council membership only the most outstanding can achieve national prominence. With membership, glaring mediocrities, with the "right" attitudes, achieve prominence. In fact, mediocrities are much more adapted to propagating our policy rationalizations and less likely to detect and oppose our ulterior motives. A power lusting mediocrity is not likely to judge his benefactors too harshly or inquire diligently into the nature of the power structure that brought him what he fears was undeserved success. The vanity of even idealistic, committed humanitarians militates against such a course.

The Council is now a giant employment agency of loyalists ready to parrot our public line from the commanding posts of government, foundations, broadcasting, industry, banking, and publishing. Although Council members are encouraged to take sides and bicker over the diversionary issues we create to entertain and enfeeble the populace, their solidarity in defending our power structure, root and branch, when pressed is a sight to behold! And to think that most see themselves as righteous defenders of the public good while they dismiss whispered rumors of our power structure as "kooky paranoia."

Classical secret societies with elaborate circles within circles no longer play a major role in finance capitalist power structures. Most wide membership secret societies have degenerated into middle class excuses for escaping the wife and kids once a month for the company of men. But secret societies were a major weapon of our bourgeoisie forebearers in their struggle with the old feudal order of kings and princes. Under authoritarian despotism of the old style, the secret society was the only place a free-thinking man could express himself. Through threats of exposure, loyalty oaths, patronage, deception, and rewards we bound such malcontents into a fierce force for our revolution. The multitude of degrees, occult mumbo-jumbo, and vague humanitarianism concealed the real goals of our secret societies from the bulk of the membership. The roles of the "Illuminated" Masonic Lodges in European revolutions were decisive in our final victory over the old order.

I now yield the floor to Professor Y. who will discourse on the real "secret societies" the Modern Finance Capitalist State:  the National Security Institutions and Intelligence Agencies.

9.     PROFESSOR Y. ON COVERT OPERATIONS AND INTELLIGENCE ~

In our fully developed state-capitalist systems we have found absolute control of governmental intelligence gathering and covert operations to be vital.

Besides providing a valuable tool in our struggle with rival dynasties, such control is now an integral and necessary part of our day-to-day operations. Large intelligence communities are inevitable, given the system of all encompassing governments which we have imposed upon the world during our ascent to power. Our power would be short-lived indeed if the pervasive influence and power of these iron-disciplined intelligence agencies fell into the hands of mere politicians, especially those beyond our control.

We do not allow intelligence agencies to pursue the "national interest," the way the public conceives "spies" to operate. Politicians cannot be permitted to divert the power and influence of our intelligence community from the esoteric requirements of our Money Power to petty political struggles.

Neither nationalistic aspirations of races and peoples nor ideological visions of intellectuals for humanity can be allowed to pervert intelligence and covert operations. Our rationalizations, both within the intelligence community and to the public at large, must be diverse and flexible, but the intelligence community must further without exception the inexorable goals we have set for humanity.

No crisis is more serious for our Money Power than an attempt by a head of government to assume personal control of intelligence and operations or to by-pass existing agencies by setting up parallel ones. Such intrusions must be met decisively. Although a contrived scandal to remove the offending politician from office is the first line of defense, we dare not shrink from assassination when necessary.

Perhaps the most accurate overview of our intelligence community can be achieved by visualizing it as a "nationalized secret society." Our predecessors, in their struggle against the old order of kings and princes, had to finance secret societies such as the Illuminati, Masons, German Union, etc. out of their own pockets.

At great expense and risk such secret societies were able to infiltrate the major governmental and private institutions of the nations that our noble predecessors targeted for take over by the Money Power. Such bureaucratic takeovers are expensive and time consuming. They can be considered complete only when promotions, raises, and advancements are no longer based on objective service to the stated organizational objectives, but are in the hands of the infiltrating group and its secret goals.

How much easier it is for us, the inheritors of a fully developed state-capitalist system! By appealing to "national security" we are able to finance and erect secret societies of a colossal scope, far beyond the wildest dreams of our path breaking predecessors. Besides the benefits of public financing reaped by these "nationalized secret societies," we obtain a decisive advantage from the fact that these our "spook" operations are sanctioned by law!

Maintaining discipline, loyalty, and secrecy is no longer solely a matter of propaganda, blackmail, patronage, and intimidation. Although these remain important tools, especially in emergency cases, ordinary discipline among initiates (now called agents) can be encouraged by appealing to patriotism and can be enforced in courts of law by prosecuting "national security violations."

As massive as our intelligence community has become in itself, we still operate strictly on the finance capitalist principle of leverage. Just as a rational finance capitalist never owns more stock in a corporation than the bare minimum required for control, intelligence operatives are placed only in as many key positions as are required to control the target organizations. Our goal, after all, is agent control of all significant organizations, not intelligence community member ship for the entire population.

The organizational pattern of baffling "circles within circles," characteristic of classical secret societies, is retained and refined by our intelligence community. That "one hand not know what the other is doing" is essential to the success of our operations. In most cases, we do not allow the operatives themselves to know the ultimate, and when possible, even the short-range objectives of their assignments.

They operate under "covers" that disguise our goals not only from the public and target groups, but from the agents themselves. For instance, many agents operating under "left cover" are led to believe that the agency, or at least their department, is secretly, but sincerely motivated by socialistic ideology. Thus, they assume that the intelligence agency's ultimate goal is to guide left-wing groups in "productive" directions, even though they cannot always see how their own assignment fits into those assumed goals.

Other "left-cover" agents, those with right-wing predilections, are encouraged to believe the agency is simply "monitoring" violence prone, subversive groups in order to protect the public. When such agents are asked to participate in or even lead radical activity they assume that the ultimate objective is to fully infiltrate and destroy the organization for the good of the country. This is very seldom the case. We waste little or no money protecting the "public" or defending the "nation."

Agents operating under "right-cover" are handled in symmetrical fashion. Agents with right-wing prejudices are encouraged to believe the agency is right-wing. Left-prejudiced agents are asked to operate under "right-cover" in order to "monitor" dangerous rightist organizations. Most intelligence agents remain blithely ignorant of the big picture which is so clear to us from our spectacular vantage point. Very few have enough information or intelligence to reason out how their specific and sometimes baffling assignments promote the legislative, judicial, operational and propaganda needs of our Money Power. Most would never try. They are paid too much to think about such things.

Agents with a "gangster-cover" are of two types. First, there is the sincere gangster that draws his salary from an intelligence agency. He is led to believe that the gangland "Godfathers" control the government agency for their own purposes. Actually, the situation is the opposite. The agency controls the gangster for other purposes. Second, is the sincere crime fighter who is led to believe that the agency is at tempting to infiltrate and monitor the gangsters as a preliminary step to destroying organized crime. Such "upstanding" agents commit many crimes in their zeal to rid the country of organized crime!

To envision how we operate in this lucrative field, let's briefly look at the mechanics of dope smuggling. Police and customs officials are told to leave certain gangsters alone, even when transporting suspicious cargoes. This is made to seem perfectly proper since it is well known that secret police infiltrators of organized crime must participate in crimes in order to gain the confidence of gangsters.

What customs agent would want to upset a carefully laid plan to "set-up" the underworld kingpins of dope pushing! But the agent, as well as the police who cooperate, are mistaken in believing that the purpose of the assignment to help smuggle dope is ultimately to smash organized crime. If he could see the big picture, as we can, the agent would see that practically all our dope is smuggled by federal intelligence agents and secret police! How ever could such a volume be transported safely? Real harassment and prosecution is reserved for those who enter the field without our approval.

Here is our organized crime strategy: On the one hand we pass laws to ensure that mankind's favorite pastimes (vices) are illegal. On the other hand, we cater to these "vices" at a huge monopoly profit with complete immunity from prosecution.

A new and growing methodology of our intelligence community is psychologically and drug-controlled agents. Properly, these are referred to as "behavior modified" agents, or, in the vernacular, "zombies." With the use of hypnotic drugs, brain washing, sensory deprivation, small group "sensitivity" training, and other behavior modification techniques, the scope of which was hinted in the movie "Clockwork Orange," complete personalities can be manufactured from scratch, to the specifications of value structure profiles we design by computer to suit our purposes. Such personalities are quite neurotic and unstable due to defects in our still developing technology, but still useful for many purposes.

The primary virtue of "zombies," of course, is loyalty. Agents that are subconsciously programmed for the assignment at hand cannot be conscious traitors. All a "zombie" can do is reveal how compulsive and psychotic he is with regard to his "cause." Even to trained psychologists he simply appears to be the proverbial "lone nut." Although the "zombie" may have memories of psychotherapy at a government agency when questioned under hypnosis, this is unlikely to raise suspicion in the mind of court-appointed psychologists. After all, "lone nuts" should be kept in insane asylums and subjected to psychotherapy! At most, the government hospital will be reprimanded for letting a loony loose before he was cured.

Until our techniques can be perfected the use of "zombies" must be restricted to "national dramas" designed to justify the growing power of our centralized governments over the lives of our people. Most suicidal radicals and "crazies" who so mysteriously avoid arrest for years at a time are "zombies" conditioned to terrorize the public in the name of some irrational ideology. After repeated doses of such terror, the public is conditioned to accept the necessity of our intrusive police state with very little objection.

The way is clear for an accelerated program of behavior modification research to be conducted mostly at public expense in the name of mental health and rehabilitation. Such research can be conducted with little complaint in prisons, refugee camps, drug rehabilitation centers, government hospitals, veterans hospitals, and even public schools and day care centers. Mental institutions, methadone maintenance centers, and prisons are fertile fields for recruiting the deranged or drug-addicted persons most suitable for "zombie" conversions. Of course, only a few of our most trusted agents actually participate in the creation of "zombies." The brilliant researchers and experimenters who make most of the breakthroughs earnestly believe that their techniques are destined strictly for the betterment of mankind.

Inevitably, a fraction of the population objects to behavior modification as an infringement of man's "sacred" free will even if they are convinced that our intentions are benign. We carefully leak a few scandals to satisfy such persons that our experiments are being kept within bounds and that excesses are being stopped. Our artificial scandals exposing the "excesses" of coercive psychology are carefully designed to make the researchers seem incompetent and clumsy to the point of maiming and killing their "patients." This effectively conceals the fantastic strides we have made toward total behavioral control. Great things are going to be possible in the future.

I now return the floor to your father for his concluding remarks.

10.     MY CLOSING REMARKS ~

My son, you surely have many questions about my strategy in the seemingly momentous economic and political crises that are shaking national and international affairs. You and I will begin handling them in detail shortly. For tonight, let me be brief. Most of the current national upheavals are stage-managed to consolidate our monopoly position in government and business against the continual nuisance of economically competent, but politically naive competitors. Likewise, most international crises are managed to exert pressure on our obstreperous, reluctant puppet dictators in underdeveloped areas. These events are fairly easy to manage. I expect to place such management in your hands as soon as possible.

The real challenge lies in dealing with my international peers. These are the real crises since they are crises of my power structure, not just of my subject populations and puppets. In the vast chess game with my peers there are no rules and no proven tactics. Mutual vulnerability, alone, limits the conflict. My peers and I have labored for decades to erect a world government and banking system under which we could all share finance capitalism's millennium without the nightmare of internecine warfare. With the advent of nuclear war a new world order seemed particularly desirable. I say ostensibly we have labored for world government because none of us are sure the others will ever voluntarily surrender sovereignty to the group. The schedule set after the last World War has not been met. So far, the world government idea has served mainly to enthuse collectivist intellectuals, and secondarily to veil each finance capitalist's maneuvers for supremacy from the rest.

The future course of finance capitalism is difficult to predict. Our empires are too fragile to risk all-out battles for supremacy among ourselves. Our power would dissipate to second echelon wealthy during the struggle. Yet we continue to chip away at rival empires on the premise that offense is the best defense. On the other hand, purely political leaders are helpless before our money power. When Caesars arise, they are of our making.

Perhaps our system will simply remain much as it is, secure on the national level and disturbingly pluralistic at the international level, until reason and egoism have developed among our populations to such an extent that our occult technology of money power becomes obvious to all who think and must yield to either anarchy or a more advanced form of deception.

11.    AFTERWORD BY THE TRANSCRIBER ~

"The names of some of these banking families are familiar to all of us and should be more so. They include Baring, Lazard, Erlanger, Warburg, Schroder, Seligman, the Speyers, Mirabaud, Mallet, Fould, and above all Rothschild and Morgan." --- Dr. Carroll Quigley: "Tragedy and Hope"

Any resemblance of these characters to persons living or dead is purely coincidental. Any resemblance of their methodology to that of real ruling elites is purely intentional. The extent to which I represent or exaggerate the self-conscious, intentional power technology of real politico-economic rulers and their unity is for the reader to decide after studying available empirical evidence.

I am providing a bibliography of relevant historical works to aid the curious reader. I have included no works written from spurious pluralistic suppositions no one seems to consider pluralism as a proposition requiring evidence since they are flooding the market. Unfortunately, many works listed affirm that ideas rather than individual struggles for wealth and power propel history; that is, they view the elites they observe ruling the world as ideologically motivated. Thus we have the spectacle of the Right claiming that major finance capitalists such as the Rockefellers or Rothschilds are "communist" conspirators or "socialists." On the other hand, we see the Left claiming that the same people are bent on imposing laissez -faire capitalism, or in a slightly more realistic vein, are fanatical proponents of fascism. Virulent white racism is another ideology foolishly ascribed to the ruling class by the Left. This opinion is nicely balanced by the charge from the Right that the elite wants to "mongrelize" and thus submerge the white race. As usual the elite, completely free of prejudice, supports both sides of this battle for its own ends.

As should be clear by now, I believe that finance capitalists (Ferdinand Lundberg has dubbed them finpols, or financial politicians) are understandably attempting to make their power as extensive as possible without incurring the severe risks which plague pubpols (public politicians). (It seems that only the most daring finpols are willing to take on the additional risks of pubpoldom, perhaps only because they are denied the reins to the family's fortune by more privileged relatives.) Pubpols lose their privacy and thus their right to sexual impropriety in addition to incurring vulnerability to electioneering and worse in "democratic" countries. In most areas of the world the lot of the pubpols is even worse. Purge, assassination, and armed coup are regular events. While totalitarianism of Right or Left at home eliminates the shield of secure private property desired by finpols, laissez--faire is likewise rejected out-of-hand as hell-on-earth by enlightened power-seekers.

Egoism, mitigated only by the reality of circumstance, is the motive to realistically attribute to healthy elites. An elite under the spell of mental spooks could not hold sway for long. Although finpol statism is increasingly a crisis for its victims, there is as yet no evidence that the elite itself is in serious crisis. Even inflation, the current crisis for the powerless, is simply another crisis to be managed toward the end of consolidating, extending, and refreshing elite power. No doubt the depression which must inevitably follow will be managed to even better effect at the expense of the masses.

I have classified the bibliography into the categories Right and Left. In each list I begin with the most objective works and proceed to the works most infected with mental spooks and emotional hysteria. These books should be read for empirical data, not theoretical insight. A list of less ideologically biased works is provided as well. I quote and recommend authors, not to imply support for my scenario where there is none, but to credit a few of those who have provided grist for my thoughts.

12.    BIBLIOGRAPHY ~

"We are much beholden to Machiavelli and others, that write what men do, and not what they ought to do." --- Francis Bacon 

Indispensable Thoughts on History, Economics, Politics, Philosophy, and Human Nature:

Murray N. Rothbard: Economic Determinism and the Conspiracy Theory of History Revisited; Audio-Forum.

Nash: America's Great Depression;1972.

Carroll Quigley: Tragedy and Hope; Macmillan, 1966

Gabriel Kolko: The Triumph of Conservatism; Quadrangle

Carroll Quigley: The Evolution of Civilizations.

Anton S. LaVey: The Satanic Bible; Avon Books, 1969.

Arkon Daraul: Secret Societies; Citadel Press, 1962.

Count Egon Caesar Corti: The Rise of the House of Rothschild; ibid.,  The Reign of the House of Rothschild; Cosmopolitan Book Corp., 1928.

Max Stirner: The Ego and His Own; Libertarian Book Club, 1963.

Robert Ardrey: The Social Contract; Dell Publishing; 1970.

Friedrich Nietzsche: Beyond Good and Evil: Prelude to a Philosophy of the Future; Random House, 1966.

George Orwell: Animal Farm; New American Library

Niccolo Machiavelli: The Prince.

Ludwig von Mises: Theory and History; Arlington House, 1969.

Henry Regnery: Human Action; 1966.

James J. Martin: Revisionist Viewpoints; Ralph Myles Publisher, 1971.

Committee on Government Operations, U.S. Senate: Disclosure of Corporate Ownership; U.S. Government Printing Office, 1974.

Antony C. Sutton: Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution; ibid., Wall Street and FDR; Arlington House, 1975.

The Left on the Ruling Class:

Gabriel Kolko: The Triumph of Conservatism; Quadrangle Books, 1967.

Richard Ney: The Wall Street Gang; Praeger Publishers, 1974.

Ferdinand Lundberg: The Rich and the Super-Rich; Lyle Stuart, 1968.

Ferdinand Lundberg: America's 60 Families; Vanguard, 1938.

William G. Domhoff: Who Rules America?; Prentice Hall, 1967.

W.G. Domhoff: The Higher Circles; Random House, 1970.

Matthew Josephson: Money Lords; New American Library, 1973.

M. Josephson: The Robber Barons; Harcourt Brace & Co., 1934.

George H. Shibley: The Money Question; Stable Money Publishing Co., 1896.

Jules Archer: The Plot to Seize the White House; Hawthorn Books, 1973.

William Hoffman: David: Report on a Rockefeller; Dell Publishing, 1972.

Joel Andreas: The Incredible Rocky; North American Congress on Latin America, 1973.

Gustavus Myers: The History of the Great American Fortunes; 1907

The Right on the Conspiracy Theory of History:

Antony C. Sutton: National Suicide; Arlington House, 1973.

Charles A. Lindbergh, Sr.: The Economic Pinch; Dorrance & Company, Inc., 1923, Reprinted by Omni Publications.

Louis T. McFadden: Collective Speeches of Congressman McFadden; Omni Publications, 1970.

H.S. Kenan: The Federal Reserve Bank; The Noontide Press, 1968.

Gary Allen: None Dare Call It Conspiracy; Concord Press, 1973.

G. Allen: Richard Nixon: The Man Behind the Mask; Western Islands, 1971.

G. Allen: The Rockefeller File; '76 Press, 1976.

Dan Smoot: The Invisible Government; The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., 1962.

W. Cleon Skousen: The Naked Capitalist; The Author, 1970.

Taylor Caldwell: Captains and Kings; Fawcett Publications, 1973.

John Robison: Proofs of Conspiracy; 1798, Reprinted by Western Islands.

Nesta Webster: Secret Societies and Subversive Movements; Christian Book Club, 1967.

A. N. Field: The Truth About the Slump; 1931, Reprinted by Omni Publications, 1962.

William Robert Plumme: The Untold History; The Committee for the Restoration of the Republic, 1964.

June Grem: Karl Marx: Capitalist; Enterprise Publications, 1972.

Emanuel Josephson: Rockefeller Internationalist: Man Who Misrules the World; Chedney Press, 1962.

 

Follow the money, follow the power.

imagem de Miryam Mager

O que, infelizmente, assistimos é mais grave ainda, já que não se trata mais só da América. Os países ocidentais e o Brasil entre eles, também foram doutrinados pelas mesmas tecnologias (mídias, principalmente). O acrítico attachment à cultura do "Grande Irmão" não nos tornou uma nação mais soberana: pelo contrário, apenas aumentamos o PODER dos USA. A cultura é um bem simbólico e como tal pode ser usada e abusada por todos os que não tem a convicção de que ser subserviente é, ao mesmo tempo aniquilar-se enquanto pessoa e servir de apoio a interesses alheios.

 

Miryam

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